SHpeHS News / Nouvelles

Next meeting: May 23, 2017 (Board meeting)
Prochaine réunion :  le 23 mai, 2017 (conseil)
   

The Board meets at 7pm, on the 2nd to last Tuesday every second month, alternating with the 375/Railroad committee; members and guests welcome at 8pm. NEXT DATE: Ma 23, Call for location, and to join or volunteer: 514-272-5064. 

Rencontre du Conseil à 19 h, l'avant-dernier mardi, tout les deux mois en altérnance avec le comité 375/ferroviaire; membres et visiiteurs à 20h. PROCHAINE RÉUNION : le 23 mai (Conseil). Appelez pour l'adresse, et pour s'abonner ou rejoindre l'équipe, au
(514) 272-5064.

CONTACT: info@histoireparcextension.org.

821 Ogilvy: An early history / Un bâtiment patrimonial

publié le 5 nov. 2016 à 00:18 par Sasha Dyck   [ mis à jour : 8 nov. 2016 à 21:54 ]

As construction takes place to redo the siding and renovate the interior of the building located at 821 Ogilvy, it seems like a good time to share some of the building's history. It was originally built by the congregation of St. Cuthbert's Anglican Church, and later served as a Gospel Hall and Greek community centre. Many thanks to Rev Roslyn Macgregor of St. CHL for sharing these precious photos and historical texts related to St. Cuthbert's early years. 


Erection of the church at 821 Ogilvy
Erection of 821 Ogilvy in Summer 1913


Gutting of 821 Ogilvy in Fall 2016

A BIT OF ST. CUTHBERT’S HISTORY

by Josephine A. Dicks, 1931. From the centennial program published in 2010.

There were not more than fifteen families in Park Avenue Extension when a temporary portable church building was erected on May 1, 1910 on King Edward Boulevard (now Querbes Avenue) near Beaumont Street.

The opening collection was $13.93, and the collection for the following Sunday was $1.27 – this was the average collection in the early days of St. Cuthbert‟s. A Concert in the same year (1910) brought in $34.70. At the end of the year there was a balance in hand of $60.52.

At the opening of the Church, the Bishop promised to contribute dollar for dollar towards the building of a more permanent church, to the extent of $2,000. At the second vestry meeting a Building Committee was formed, for the purpose of raising funds for a new Church on the site, consisting of five lots which the Bishop had bought on Ogilvy Avenue, corner of O'Shaugnessy (now Outremont Avenue).

The new Church was started in May 1913, and completed by September 10th of the same year, but owing to the absence of the Bishop, the opening and dedication was delayed until September 24th, 1913. The stained glass window in the chancel was a gift from the children of the Sunday School. The money for the Baptismal Font was collected by the late Adeline Dicks. Also a number of things were obtained from the Church of the Ascension and some members of the congregation to help furnish the new Church.

In these days, the Church was maintained with very little expense, everyone giving freely of their time, and helping according to their ability. Miss Mabel Platt was organist. Everyone belonged to everything, and co-operated in giving the concerts, Christmas trees, picnics, etc. The concerts were always well patronized. The Church, of which the congregation was justly proud, stood in the middle of the fields, as if waiting for the houses to be built all around. One paused to wonder if it would ever be filled with regular members of the congregation.

At the Opening Service of the Church, Wednesday, September 24, 1913, the Church was filled to its capacity. (Collection $29.18).

The first wedding was on June 27, 1914, when Miss Elizabeth Brown was married to William Wilson by the Rev. F. C. Ireland, who presented the newly married couple with a Bible. On Wednesday, September 30, 1913 a meeting of the Women for the purpose of forming a Women‟s Guild was held. In 1914 Mr. Powles organized the Sunday School, and during his ministry the Sunday School teachers won the Bursary for attending the classes at the Synod Hall, an achievement of which the parish was proud. Mr. Powles also organized a Dramatic Society, which ran successfully for a number of years.

In 1915, the wardens decided to ask the Bishop for a resident incumbent, and so in June of 1915, the Rev. W. J. Farr was appointed the first resident minister. At the first meeting to greet the newly appointed clergyman, only two ladies were present at the weekly meeting of the Guild. The Rev. Farr was followed by The Rev. Baugh, the Rev. Wright and the Rev. Laws.

In 1925, the Rev. A.G. Howard succeeded the Rev. Laws as Incumbent. In the same year, the church was enlarged to its present size, and other improvements added. Six years later, on February, 1931, the parish ceased to be a “Mission” and now became self-supporting.

Another indication notable historical record is that of the streetcar service. Up to 1916, residents of the district had to walk to Van Horne to obtain a streetcar. Going eastward toward St. Lawrence Boulevard they had to climb the fence and trespass on railway property, or else go south as far a Beaubien Street to cross the railway. In 1916 the streetcar service was extended as far north as Atlantic Avenue, that is, to the C.P.R. tracks. It was the Amherst car which first came up to the tracks. A few years later this was changed to the Bleury service. In 1920, a stub-line service was inaugurated from Beaubien to Blair Avenue; and many are the residents who remember the community gatherings every evening in Parnell‟s corner store as they crossed the tracks and waited there for the “Toonerville” to come along.

This was still an area of wooden sidewalks and macadam roads. And many were the sad tales in spring and fall of daintily dressed dames who stepped on the loose plank and ruined a brand new Easter outfit. Many also were the planks that disappeared from the sidewalk in early fall, when nights were growing chilly and coal was still a costly luxury. A few years later came the cement block sidewalks that many of the streets still have. Then the pavements in asphalt, the subways, the new railway station, and we are into the realm of recent history, which most even the newcomers remember.

Église Anglicane St. Cuthbert’s

Dès la fin du XVIIIe siècle, les premiers services religieux anglicans au Canada se déroulent dans des églises catholiques. Anglicans et catholiques se partagent alors l’occupation du lieu de culte en fonction d’un horaire alternatif établi selon la division linguistique de la colonie. Ce n’est qu’au milieu du XIXe siècle qu’on voit apparaître les premières églises spécifiquement construites pour le culte anglican.

À la fin du XIXe siècle, on retrouve déjà un grand nombre d’églises anglicanes à Montréal. Parmi celles-ci, notons la cathédrale Christ Church, 635 Sainte-Catherine Ouest (1856-1859), l’église Saint-James The Apostle, 1439 Sainte-Catherine Ouest (1864), l’église Saint-George, 1101 Stanley (1869-1870), et l’église Saint-John The Evangelist, 137 du Président-Kennedy (1877-1878). L’accroissement des fidèles et le développement de la ville commandent toutefois la création de nouvelles paroisses, dont celle de St. Cuthbert's.

La plupart des églises anglicanes construites à la fin du XIXe et ce jusqu'au milieu du XXe siècle conservent la tradition britannique et sont de style néo-gothique. De petit gabarit, elles sont habituellement en brique et relativement sobres à l’extérieur. L’aménagement intérieur des lieux de cultes anglicans se démarque également par un certain dépouillement et le décor est habituellement en bois.

Fondée en 1910, la mission St. Cuthbert’s fait ériger en 1913 une église en bois qu’elle occupe jusqu’en 1948 pour les besoins du culte. Cette communauté existe jusqu’en 1989 (aujourd’hui elle est fusionnée avec la communauté St. Cuthbert, St. Hilda, St. Luke).

L'église est agrandie en 1925 selon les plans de l’architecte Philip J. Turner*. Cette église est caractéristique des églises anglicanes. Elle est la plus ancienne église construite dans ce secteur en plus d’être la première église attribuée à cet architecte. Comme la plupart des édifices religieux conçus durant la première partie du XXe siècle à Montréal, cette église est d’esprit néo-gothique. Elle conserve toujours la majorité de ses caractéristiques d’origine. Elle possède une haute toiture à versants, ses ouvertures sont surmontées d’un arc en ogive et des contreforts décoratifs utilisés sur les murs latéraux. Tous ces éléments ont été conservés. La modification de l’usage au début des années 1980 a nécessité des rénovations mineures qui demeurent peu perceptibles de l’extérieur. Ce bâtiment est mis en valeur par l’aménagement du parc Outremont / Ogilvy qui offre une perspective intéressante sur l’édifice. De plus, il est l’un des premiers bâtiments construits le long de l’avenue Ogilvy. Il est donc un témoin précieux du fondement même de cette avenue.

* Philip John Turner (architecte)
Philip John Turner (1876-1943) est né en Angleterre. Il débute sa carrière d’architecte à Stowmarket et Ipswich en 1900. Il s’établit à Montréal en 1908 où il y pratique jusqu’en 1943. À partir de 1909, il enseigne le cours de construction à l’université McGill. Il travaille entre 1913 et 1915 en partenariat avec William Edward Carless (1881-1949). Au cours de sa pratique privée, il est amené à travailler sur certains projets avec Samuel H. Maw (1881-1952) et Alfred Dennis Thacker (1879-1938). On lui connaît quelques œuvres à Ipswich en Angleterre. Il œuvre notamment dans le domaine résidentiel en plus d’ériger quelques banques. Il signe les plans de trois églises pour la communauté anglicane de Montréal dont St. Saviour’s Mission, 5845 Upper Lachine (1928), St. Cuthbert, St. Hilda, St. Luke, 634 de Lorimier (1929) et St. Philip, 25 Brock (1929).

Autres occupants marquants
Park Avenue Extension Social & Recreation Club
(propriétaire de 1950 à 1978)
L’église anglicane est achetée en 1950 par le Park Avenue Extension Social & Recreation Club. Le nom de Ogilvy Gospel Hall est donné à l’édifice.

Ville de Montréal
(propriétaire de 1979 à aujourd'hui)
La Ville de Montréal acquiert cet édifice pour en faire un centre communautaire pour la Communauté Hellénique de Montréal. Le centre Ogilvy est inauguré le 15 mai 1984 suite aux rénovations.

Communauté Hellénique de Montréal
(locataire de 1981 à aujourd'hui)
Locataire depuis 1981, la Communauté Hellénique de Montréal loue le rez-de-chaussée du bâtiment à des fins communautaires et de loisirs.

Transformations majeures :
Travaux 1
Date des travaux : 1925
Fin des travaux : 1925
Modification à la volumétrie horizontale du bâtiment.
Agrandissement

Travaux 2
Date des travaux : 1984
Fin des travaux : 1984
Restauration ou recyclage du bâtiment.
Rénovation extérieure et réaménagement intérieur.

Travaux 3
Date des travaux : 2016
Fin des travaux : prévu 2017
Restauration du bâtiment
Réfection du parement et aménagements intérieur.

SHPEHS AGM 2016 / AGA de la Société 2016

publié le 31 oct. 2016 à 18:44 par Mary McCutcheon   [ mis à jour le·3 nov. 2016 à 08:01 par Sasha Dyck ]

The board of directors meets in most months on the second-to-last Tuesday evening. 

NEXT MEETING: The 7th Annual General Meeting will be held on November 22nd, at 7 pm, at La Place commune (7669 Querbes). Business reports for 2015-2016 will be presented followed by a social hour for members and interested members of the public. For more information call (514) 272-5064 or (514) 271-6650.

PROCHAINE RÉUNION : La 7e assemblée générale annuelle aura lieu le 22 novembre à 19 h, à La Place commune (7669 rue Querbes). Les rapports pour 2015-2016 seront présentés, suivi par un léger goûter pour les membres et autres personnes intéressées. Pour de plus amples renseignements, veuillez téléphoner au (514) 272-5064 ou (514) 271-6650.

AGM / AGA

Coup d'oeil du patrimoine de Parc-Extension : Rapport été 2016

publié le 7 sept. 2016 à 12:52 par Sasha Dyck   [ mis à jour le·1 nov. 2016 à 12:34 par Mary McCutcheon ]

La Société d'histoire de Parc-Extension vous invite a lire notre plus récent rapport sur le patrimoine du quartier. Produit par Alexandre Gagnon, un étudiant au baccalauréat en urbanisme à l’Université de Montréal, ce rapport vise a faire connaître le quartier à ceux qui y vivent.

Rapport du Patrimoine de Parc-Extension

Introduction

Parc-Extension est reconnu depuis longtemps comme une terre d’accueil à l’immigration. La succession des personnes et des communautés a peu a peu formé et transformé le patrimoine du quartier. Loin d’être homogène, celui-ci prend toutes sortes de formes, des plus grandioses aux plus subtiles : monuments, maisons modestes, constructions disparues, paysages, jardins, personnalités marquantes, etc. Tous ces éléments ont participé à la formation du caractère du quartier et forgé son histoire.

Toutefois, dans l’agitation incessante qui accompagne le passage du temps et des communautés, il existe toujours un risque que l’histoire finisse par se perdre.

Ce faisant, l’auteur considère que la première étape pour éviter qu’un tel événement ne se produise est de faire connaître aux résidents, visiteurs et élus ce qui constitue les fondements du patrimoine de Parc-Extension. Le document que vous tenez entre vos mains, un (bref) tour d’horizon de Parc-Extension sous forme de fiches d’information synthétisées, accessibles et imagées, est un effort en ce sens. Ces fiches sont séparées en trois grandes parties : le panorama, qui aborde les caractéristiques du site, son contexte et ses principaux enjeux, le portrait du lieu et puis le zoom, où un élément moins connu du patrimoine est abordé. Ce premier contact avec le territoire devrait pouvoir faciliter l’appréciation du patrimoine du quartier sous plusieurs angles.

Ultimement, il faut espérer que de cette connaissance et appréciation du patrimoine naîtra une volonté d’agir, une volonté de protéger et de mettre en valeur ce qui constitue l’âme et la mémoire de Parc-Extension.
Le rapport au complet est disponible à cette adresse : http://goo.gl/viiI4T.
This document, which has not yet been translated into English, may be downloaded free of charge at the link above, courtesy of SHpeHS. It was presented to the borough Council at the monthly public meeting on Sept. 6, 2016.

A brief history of Jarry Park / L'histoire du Parc Jarry

publié le 23 août 2016 à 12:16 par Sasha Dyck   [ mis à jour : 29 août 2016 à 08:36 ]

Jarry Park

La naissance du parc

Au début des années 1920, les frères Raoul et Arthur Jarry ont eu l’idée de doter d’un parc la nouvelle zone d’urbanisation qu'est aujourd'hui l'arrondissement de Villeray. Selon Arthur, qui était médecin, les enfants et les familles avaient besoin de prendre du bon air et de faire des activités récréatives vu les précaires conditions de vie dans lesquelles les premiers habitants du quartier vivaient. Raoul, conseiller municipal pour le district de Villeray dès 1921 et membre du comité exécutif de la ville dès 1924, recommandait à la ville l’acquisition du parc, ce qui fut accepté en 1925. Le nom du parc Jarry fut dès lors donné en honneur de Raoul, décédé en 1930.

Dr J. Arthur Jarry
Dr J. Arthur Jarry

Le terrain

Le parc Jarry compte alors 35,6 hectares. Les terres ont été la propriété de la famille Jarry qui les a vendues à la Stanley Clark Bagg. Sur le carte et la photo, on peut voir le ruisseau Saint- Aubin qui traversait le parc dans son axe sud-est pour se joindre à la rivière de la Montagne ou ruisseau Provost tout près du stationnement actuel d'Hydro-Québec.

En 1925, la ville de Montréal louera le terrain à Robert Bagg, fils unique de Stanley Clark Bagg, pour y créer le parc Jarry. Finalement, en 1945, la Ville acquiert le terrain pour 480 418.50 $.

Le parc commence à prendre forme

Dans ses débuts, le terrain boisé d’ormes et d’érables était équipé de balançoires, de bacs à sable et de glissades. Le parc était animé par les concerts de la fanfare Campbell et à l’occasion le cirque faisait la joie des petits et des grands.

À la hauteur de la rue Gounod, un chalet avec restaurant fut construit. Pour permettre aux enfants de traverser le boulevard Saint-Laurent en toute sécurité, un tunnel a été creusé au début des années 1950. On aménagea également une passerelle pour les piétons, en 1966, liant Parc-Extension au parc Jarry.

avril 1943 le parc jarry, à droite le tunnel piétonnière de la rue gounod,Montréal
Le parc Jarry en avril 1943, à droite le tunnel piétonnier de la rue Gounod

En 1960, la Ville construit un stade, des pistes d’athlétisme et une patinoire de glace artificielle. En 1995, le secteur sud-est est aménagé zone verte avec un étang, fleurs et arbustes, on organise aussi une zone récréative, des terrains de tennis et de soccer, une aire de jeux pour les enfants, un site de rouli-roulant et des sentiers. Plusieurs événements ont place au parc Jarry, entre autres des festivités de communautés culturelles, le théâtre La Roulotte, et des concerts.

parc Jarry,Montréal, 31 juillet1937.
La Presse, Montréal
En Ville : Les enfants sont tout joyeux de l’arrivée d’un petit cirque au parc Jarry, 31 juillet 1937

15 avril 1964 j'ai 5 ans en bas de la photo c'est moi au parc jarry,la petite blonde à droite ma soeur, au loin le futur stade des expos ouverture le 14 avril1969,au loin à gauche le mont-royal.
15 avril 1964. Au loin le futur stade des Expos, au loin à gauche le Mont-Royal.

La fête de la jeunesse, 19 juin 1965 au Parc Jarry
La fête de la jeunesse, 19 juin 1965

Pataugeoire du parc Jarry, 10 juillet 1966
Pataugeoire du parc Jarry, 10 juillet 1966

Les sports au parc Jarry

Depuis le début du parc, les sports sont pratiqués ; on voit plusieurs équipes jouant à lacrosse sur le terrain. En 1950, l’équipe de football Les Alouettes a utilisé le parc comme aire d’entraînement ainsi que l’équipe de soccer de Montréal en 1966. Un diamant de baseball a été construit en 1960 et l’arrivée des Expos en 1969 a donné une nouvelle vie au parc, qui a reçu plus de 7 500 000 spectateurs pendant les huit ans où ils ont joué au stade Jarry. Maintenant, il y a des équipes de soccer, de hockey et le tournoi international de tennis, Coupe Rogers.

Aerial view of Jarry Park, 1962
Vue aérienne du Parc Jarry, 10 mai 1962

Aujourd’hui une vingtaine de sports se pratiquent au parc Jarry. Les avez-vous tous essayés ? Baseball, basketball de rue, bocce, cardio-musculation, cardio-poussette, cricket, hockey, hockey cosom, marche, natation, patins à roues alignées, pétanque, planche à roulettes, soccer, tennis, ultimate frisbee, slackline, vélo et volleyball de plage.

Depuis 1954, les jeunes athlètes participent à des compétitions dans les parcs de la ville.
Appelées d’abord les Olympiades, elles changent de nom pour les Jeux de Montréal en 1978.

Olympiades des terrains de jeux au parc Jarry. 13 août 1969, VM94-Y-1-15_U0673-088
  17e Jeux olympiques des Parcs, Olympiades des terrains de jeux au parc Jarry, 12 août 1970

Le Pape Jean Paul II au Parc Jarry

En 1973, s’est tenu le congrès international des Témoins de Jéhovah où 70 000 repas ont été servis en quatre jours. Onze ans après, en 1984, le Pape Jean-Paul II a célébré une messe en plein air devant 300 000 personnes. En 1985, le parc Jarry est rebaptisé parc Jean-Paul II, mais en 1988, on revient au nom original.

1984 Messe du Pape Parc Jarry
11 Septembre 1984 : Messe du Pape au Parc Jarry

Le 90e anniversaire du Parc Jarry

En juin 2015 des célébrations ont eu lieu pour le 90e anniversaire du parc. Organisé par la Coalition des amis du Parc Jarry, cette exposition sur l'histoire du parc a été montée par la Société d'histoire de Parc-Extension et fut exposée dans la bibliothèque de Parc-Extension au cours des mois de mai et juin en 2015.


Screen Shot 2016-08-23 at 1.41.10 PM




Remerciements

Remerciements

Beginning of the Park

In the early 1920’s, two Jarry brothers, Raoul and Arthur, had the idea of giving a park to the new urban development known today as Villeray. Arthur, a doctor, felt that the children and families needed fresh air and recreational activity to counter the poor living conditions that greeted the newcomers. Raoul, a city councillor for Villeray since 1921 and a member of the City executive committee after 1924, took a petition to the city that was adopted in 1925. The park was named in honour of Raoul, who died in 1930.

Raoul Jarry
Raoul Jarry

The site

Jarry Park consists of 35.6 hectares that once belonged to the Jarry family, who then sold it to Stanley Clark Bagg. The map and photo show the Saint Aubin stream that flowed down from Mount Royal across the property.

Carte de la ferme de la famille Bagg

Carte de la ferme de la famille Bagg

la ferme BAGG-1893 montréal(Parc Jarry)
The Bagg family farm in 1893

In 1925 the City rented the land from Robert Bagg, Stanley Clark’s only son, to make Jarry Park. Eventually, in 1945, the City bought the land for $480,418.50.

The park takes shape

In the beginning, the woods of elms and maples had swings, sand boxes and slides. Campbell band concerts and circuses entertained children and adults from time to time.

avril 1943 parc jarry et rue jarry,Montréal
April 1943, Jarry Park and Jarry Street

Across from Gounod Street a chalet with a restaurant was built and a pedestrian tunnel was dug under St-Laurent Boulevard. On the west side, in 1964 Park Extension was connected by a footbridge over the railway tracks.

Tunnel piéton au Parc Jarry en 1932
Montreal pedestrian tunnels in 1932 (Archives Montréal)

In 1960 the City of Montreal built a stadium, athletic tracks and an artificial ice rink. In 1995 a green oasis was created in the south-east sector of the park, with the installation of the pond and the planting of many flowers and shrubs. Fields for soccer and tennis were created, as well as the children's playground, the skate-park and numerous paths. Many events take place in Jarry Park, such as outdoor theatre, community festivals and concerts.

La fête de la jeunesse, 19 juin 1965 au Parc Jarry
Youth Festival, June 19, 1965

Pataugeoire du parc Jarry, 10 juillet 1966
Wading pool at Jarry Park, July 10, 1966

Sports at Jarry Park

Since the Park began, many sports have been played there. At first, lacrosse teams dominated and in 1950 the Alouette football club trained there and in 1966, the Montréal Soccer club. Baseball arrived in the early 1960’s when a small baseball stadium was rehabilitated for the Montreal Expos in 1969. This became the most popular sport, rejuvenating the park and welcoming more than 7,500,000 spectators during the Expos’ 8 years there. Today soccer, ice hockey and tennis, with its Rogers Cup and large stadium dominate.


Baseball in the Park Extension "Piggery"
Baseball in the Park Extension "Piggery"

Baseball game and crowd at Jarry Park, April 8, 1970
Baseball game and crowd at Jarry Park, April 8, 1970

Fuoco family returns home after Expos game, 1970
Fuoco family returns home after Expos game, 1970


Today nearly 20 sports are played in Jarry Park. Have you tried them all? There is baseball, street basketball, Bocce, cardio-physio, cardio-stroller., cricket, hockey, street hockey, walking, swimming, in-line skating, lawn bowling, skateboarding, soccer, tennis, ultimate Frisbee, bicycling and beach volleyball. Since 1954, young athletes have competed in the city parks. First called «Les Olympiades», in 1978 the name changed to The Montreal Games.

Visit of Pope Jean Paul II to Jarry Park

In 1973 the International assembly of Jehovah’s Witnesses took place in the Park and over four days, 70,000 meals were served. Eleven years later, in 1984, Pope Jean Paul said an open air mass for 300,000. In 1985 Jarry Park was renamed Parc Jean Paul II but in 1988 it reverted to Jarry Park.

Le pape Jean-Paul II devant la foule du parc Jarry à Montréal, 1984
Pope Jean-Paul II pronoucing the homily in Jarry Park
in Montreal on September 11th, 1984

The Park's 90th birthday party

The Coalition des amis du Parc Jarry organized a celebration for the park's 90th birthday in June 2015. This exhibit on the history of the park was created in collaboration with the Park Extension Historical Society and shown in the Park Extension library in May and June of 2015.



Credits

Remerciements

Jane's Walk 2016: "From Bagel to Brioche in Park Ex"

publié le 11 mai 2016 à 11:20 par Sasha Dyck   [ mis à jour : 11 mai 2016 à 11:21 ]

Many thanks to Tom and Leslie for leading this Jane's Walk on May 8th, and to Rob Saunders for generously sharing his photos. See the Flickr album for higher-resolution images: www.flickr.com/photos/shpehs/albums/72157668177538636.


  


   

 


Photos of transformations at old Outremont train yards

publié le 10 mai 2016 à 10:08 par Sasha Dyck   [ mis à jour : 23 août 2016 à 09:50 ]

New member Tom has shared photos from in and around the old Outremont train yards, in the process of becoming the new Outremont campus for the University of Montreal. More of his photos are available on our Flickr page, and more details about the campus can be found on the UdeM site: www.siteoutremont.umontreal.ca
.
Update (August 22nd, 2016): Tom has a new album of Outremont campus photos, including those of the Jardins éphémères that currently occupy a portion of the land for the future campus. See the album here.


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Greek Immigration to Montreal in the 50s and 60s

publié le 22 mars 2016 à 13:14 par Sasha Dyck   [ mis à jour le·1 avr. 2016 à 12:17 par Mary McCutcheon ]

A work in progress by Society member Spiro Couris Athina Maroudasposted on his Facebook page on March 31, 2013 and shared here with his permission.


Angelo Bacoyiannis takes part in the Greek Independence Day parade in Montreal, March 24, 2013.
(Photo by Christinne Muschi for The Globe and Mail)


Although Greeks had a presence in Montreal for many decades, in fact from the end of the 19th century, there was a great influx of new immigrants starting from the major earthquake that hit the Ionian Islands in 1953. These displaced Greeks started a mass exodus from Greece and many ended up in Canada. Economic trouble led many others to also leave and coupled with a more lax immigration policy a great chunk of the Greek population left Greece in the 1960s. The number of Greeks in Montreal increased from 3,000 to 15 times that in 1967. They started their own associations their own restaurants, nightclubs and even multiplied their number of Greek cinemas. Soon there was a new culture of Greeks who were not trying to assimilate into Montreal Canadian society but rather they preferred to live in a ghetto-like environment which could be called Little Greece. Their children were their connection to Canadian society since most youth were becoming Canadians but a Greek no longer needed to learn a foreign language. They were able to work, shop and play in a Greek environment and very rarely needed English or French unless they had to deal with government business. Even going to see a doctor it was only necessary to speak English if going to Emergency since there were many Greek family doctors available. When the need arose their children were ad hoc interpreters. Picture a 10 year-old translating for his mother at the gynecologist (not in the examination room but in the office afterwards)...I had to deal with that sad fact.

The first Greeks in Montreal (pre-WWII) came to find a new life and so were eager to be accepted in Canadian society. They learned English (the de facto language of the times in Montreal), dressed as westerners (most had never seen a bow tie before) and tried to conform to their new home’s values. They had help from 2 organizations around at the time. The first was the Hellenic Community of Montreal, run by the Greek Orthodox church. The second was AHEPA an merican organization that saw a need for its services in Montreal. The community was like all other Hellenic communities around the world, the spiritual guide, and like elsewhere where there were Greek immigrants all activity for Greeks centered around the church. AHEPA (American Hellenic Educational Progressive Association) had as its main goal to assimilate Greeks into American Society. They assisted in orienting Greeks in their new land and helped them to become good Canadian citizens. New arrivals started as unskilled labourers in the shops run by Canadians and other immigrants who had arrived long before them and graduated to opening their own shops and businesses. They took part in local political events and tried to fit in to the best of their abilities with the rest of the Montreal populace. A good book on the subject is one by Sophia Florakas Petsalis “To Build the Dream: the Story of the Early Greek Immigrants in Montreal.”

It was an easy task for the first Greeks to assimilate since their number was manageable and since they arrived in small groups the local Greeks were able to cater to each new member’s needs. This was not the case however for the masses that started arriving post war. Local organizations were not equipped to handle the inordinate number of new immigrants. The Cretan Association for example had a couple of rooms above their club house where new arrivals could get a place to sleep and food to eat while they established themselves in the new environment. When boat loads of Greeks arrived in Halifax in the 60s and were then transported to Montreal by rail, they came with their whole families and if they had no relatives to stay with, it was hard to find shelter for them and many ended up shacking up with other families in small 1 or 2 bedroom apartments.

The attitude of the new Greek immigrants was live in Canada for five years then go back to Greece with money and reestablish their lives in the old country. Unfortunately, the vast majority was only able to make enough to get by and at the same time their children were mixing well with their new surroundings so were not eager to leave. Outside factors also played a part in this change of plan. First conditions were not improving in Greece as severe drought was impeding the return to farming and in 1967 the political situation came to a head with the coup of the Colonels and with them curtailing rights of the citizen in Greece. This prompted many families to stay in their new Canadian home. A new problem was created. Since both parents had to work and so have no time for their children, the new immigrants needed help in raising them. The two options at this point were to either bring the grandparents from Greece to raise the children or to send the young ones back to Greece to be raised by their grandparents. A good number of my friends have stories of meeting their parents for the first time at the age of 11 or 12 after having been shipped back to the village at 1 or 2 years old. Conversely some have stories of their grandparents mistreating them while their parents were away working long hours since the grandparents had very few child rearing skills and tried to raise their children’s children in the old ways.

The mass of immigrants changed the landscape in Montreal. 50,000 people needed services, needed access to entertainment and even to schools to teach Greek traditions for their children. Entrepreneurs were quick to provide. And so we got four Greek movie theaters, half a dozen night clubs with live music, restaurants serving purely Greek cuisine and a myriad of cafenia (coffee houses). The new immigrant was yearning for food products from Greece and the one or two corner grocers that carried Greek products around at the time were not sufficient to meet demand. As a result we got new Greek oriented supermarkets. Four Brothers, Sakaris, and PA to name a few changed their look to accommodate the increased clientele and moved to larger spaces. The Greeks were feeling at home. They also missed the company of their compatriots from the village and so formed non-profit associations to be with one another. In fact one group from the Pelloponese area around Sparti, Laconia province, had over 40 different associations; one for each of the villages around Sparti. Skaliotes, SkouroVarvitsiotes, Krokeates etc. all congregated at specified meeting places and many even opened their own club houses (lesches). Each could boast at least 100 active members. At these clubs they met for coffee, and talked about the village, about which new arrival from the village needed a job, and how to raise money to build a new clinic or a new belfry for the church in the village. They wanted their children to be ready for the return home so teaching them the village dances the village traditions and foods was primordial in their thoughts. They raised money by holding annual dances and small gatherings similar to spaghetti dinners over the course of the year (synaistiasis).

Now this is where things get interesting. Around the same time as Greeks were arriving in Montreal the Canadian government was introducing social programs geared to the poorest in society: Social Welfare, Unemployment Insurance and Public Health Care.  Since there were so many immigrants in factory and unskilled service jobs such as cleaners, waiters, dishwashers, it was soon realized that exploitation of workers was likely an issue. With this in mind and with the noblest of causes (defense of the poor) an association called The Association of Workers and Employees. (syllogos Ergatoypallilwn) was formed. Their aim was to help Greek workers get around the language barrier, fill out applications for new employment, guide them around labour laws, and help them with the bureaucracy of dealing with Unemployment Insurance. Since this attracted a left wing element they soon came to loggerheads with the Hellenic Community. They viewed the administration of the Community at the time as a barrier to self realization of Greek immigrants since most would never become self employed nor successful in their eyes. It is a fact that many workers were employed by past immigrants who had become successful in Canada. And these same immigrants were administering the Hellenic Community. In the eyes of some in the Workers Association these people that were running things at the Community were also the ones that were exploiting their workers. The left wing view was also preaching that “religion is the Opiate of the People”.  This made them a natural enemy of the Greek Orthodox Church around which the Hellenic Community was based. It didn’t take long for the Greek immigrants to start choosing sides.

At this point I feel the need to post a disclaimer. All comments are from verified facts and experiences. I do not attempt to take sides on the matter but rather to record events that changed the life of Greeks living in Montreal. In fact it was this dichotomy which resulted in the high level of organization and political involvement of the local Greeks which as a side effect created the Government subsidized Greek Day Schools and other Quebec-recognized Greek organizations such as the Hellenic Congress of Quebec and Canada. Yes The Hellenic Canadian Congress began right here in Montreal.
 

added March 8, 2014

My family are all located in Greece and my parents were the first to venture outside its borders.

I got to Montreal as a 7 year old from Greece. My father having an aversion to living in homes others had lived in found a multiplex which was just built near St. Michel and Rosemont. So even though I was not allowed to go to a French Catholic school (the laws were strict then not catholic no French school) I managed to learn my French on the streets. Having only 4 channels on TV I needed variety so started watching Channel 2 and Channel 10. These were the shows I learned my French with.

RIP Dickie Moore (1931-2015)

publié le 6 janv. 2016 à 10:23 par Sasha Dyck   [ mis à jour : 12 janv. 2016 à 17:00 ]


"Moore, the player, was like the Park Extension district in which he grew up: tough and relentless."

- Gazette sports columnist Red Fisher remembers his friend, Canadiens legend Dickie Moore.

Early days in Park Ex

Here is a true gem from our Facebook group : member Jan McConnell's clipping from the early 40s of Richard ("Dickie") Moore with Dave Kerr, Henry Dubiel and the rest of the record-breaking PE Royals. If you have first names and information about the players, please send it to us via the Contact Us page.

Richard ("Dickie") Moore breaks an early record with the Park Ex Royals in the early 1940s.

Early breakthroughs

The Society has several photos in its archives taken at the beginning of Dickie Moore's career when the Park Extension Amateur Athletic Association (PEAAA) gave him a reception at the old Legion Hall when he returned to Montreal shortly after winning the 1956 NHL goal scoring championship.

Here are three photos that tell the story of that night.

1. Dickie Moore being welcomed by fans at Windsor train station and taken up to the Flanders 63 Legion Hall for the reception:

Dickie Moore welcomed at Windsor Station in 1956

2. Reception at the Legion with (L to R) city councillor Dan O’Hern, MP Alan MacNaughton, Bob Shepan, his father Charles Moore, Dickie Moore himself, his wife Joan Moore, René Clonett, Paul Jean & Don Edmundson:

Dickie Moore reception at Flanders 63 Legion in 1956
3. Celebrating with the members of the PEAAA boys hockey team:

Dickie Moore with Park Ex hockey team in 1956

Always a gentleman

And here he is many years later, with members of the Flanders 63 branch of the Royal Canadian Legion in Park Extension. According to the members of the Flanders branch 63 Facebook group, to his left are Stan (?), Eddie Goldstein (in background), Ernie Tobin and Lloyd Murch:

Dickie Moore with the men of Flanders 63 in Park Extension

Later years

A video interview with the great player from CJAD radio in 2013:


If you have other stories, photos or memories related to Dickie Moore, feel free to contact us to share them.

Dickie Moore signed Forum seat: The Kid from Park Ex   

The Kid from Park Ex, Dickie Moore

The Rockatones, garage band from Park Extension

publié le 9 nov. 2015 à 09:00 par Sasha Dyck   [ mis à jour : 10 nov. 2015 à 08:48 ]

History

Four Park Extension lads met at school in 1961 and formed a band called The Rockatones. They played local gigs and eventually toured from southern Quebec to northern Vermont to eastern Ontario. In 1963 they recorded an instrumental, and in spring 1965 their track "I'm a Man" made it to #9 thanks to play on local station CFCF and the CBC show Teen 65. However the multiple demands of touring, studying, and album making led them to put down their instruments in 1966 and follow non-musical careers. John Semeniuk, lead guitar, bass guitar, lead singer and composer, Len McFarlane, drums, Steve Mitchell, lead guitar, and Brian Headland, lead guitar and composer, regrouped in a backyard in 2014 celebrate their 50 years of friendship along with their manager, Nick Semeniuk.

Photos

The Rockatones, 1959-1960.

The Rockatones, 1959 or 1960.
The Rockatones, 2014.
Reunion gig in 2014.

Wrapped In Chains, by Mercedes Sharpe Zayas

publié le 3 août 2015 à 14:03 par Sasha Dyck   [ mis à jour le·2 avr. 2017 à 09:55 par Mary McCutcheon ]

Published by MERCEDES SHARPE ZAYAS on Nov 16, 2012 on PetiteMort.ca (now offline, republished here)
   

"Every wall inspires its own subversion, whether by the artists who transform them or by those who dare to break through them."

Adapted from Marcello Di Cintio’s Walls: Travels Along the Barricades

Hidden within a mile-long stretch of shrubbery along l’Acadie Boulevard stands a chain-link fence. The weathered steel is barely visible. Only three gateways breach the foliage to allow for the occasional passerby to cross from one side to the other. A municipal sign beckons “Welcome” to those who enter the eastern boundary to the Town of Mount Royal, a middle-class English enclave wherein single detached houses line the empty Selwood Road. Turning direction reveals the same municipal sign on the opposite side, this time warning “Be Careful”. Beyond it lie the urban thoroughfare and the western boundary of Parc Extension, a patchwork of mismatched bricks and sidings on rundown attached homes.

L’Acadie fence marks the meeting point between two of Montreal’s most socioeconomically disparate communities, a point of collision between middle class Anglophones and working class immigrants that has been subject to stifled controversy for over fifty years. Both neighbourhoods emerged at the turn of the twentieth century with the construction of expanding transportation lines, yet the trajectories they followed were antipodal. In 1907, Park Realty of Montreal speculatively bought three batches of land along the newly constructed tramlines that extended beyond the existing stretch of Parc Avenue, thereby inciting the name Parc-Extension. When the City of Montreal founded the neighbourhood in 1910, the agricultural community was beginning to shift from francophone farmers to newly immigrated industrial workers from Britain.

The Town of Mount Royal was conceived in the same year, as a corporate urban experiment responding to the growing pains of the metropolis. In an attempt to alleviate traffic congestion and slum formation during the spatial expansion of Montreal, city officials and private firms quarreled over housing solutions for the surge of immigration. The corporate suburb of Mount Royal was proposed as a real estate venture of the Canadian Northern Railway, which would offset the costs of building a railway through the mountain to connect satellite towns to the center of Montreal.
The autonomous municipality was advertised as “an ideal residential district.” To put it simply, an Anglo-American dream. The streets were laid out in a hybrid pattern, combining the Victorian ideals of Ebenezer Howard’s Garden City movement with the localized, benevolent capitalist authoritarianism of Burnham’s City Beautiful framework. However, the socialist intentions of these aesthetic influences were not supported in practice. It may come as no surprise that the traditional descriptions of land as a shared and communal resource in the Garden City were cast aside to promote individual investment.

Frederick Law Olmstead Jr., the architect of Parc du Mont-Royal, was a strong advocate of the large-scale City Beautiful project, and crafted the distinct diagonal thoroughfares of the town as a mechanism to protect Town of Mount Royal from the competing local real estate market. What is often left out of these historical accounts is the blatant contrast of the urban layout to its surroundings, mainly the immigration hub of Parc-Extension. The final gridiron layout for the town was created as a harbinger of economic activity, to facilitate investment and emphasize the symbolic importance of the railway company. During the depression, investors found ways to advance Town of Mount Royal further along middle-class lines by turning a large block of unproductive farmland on its northeastern edge into a golf course. The course became known by some as the old stomping grounds for Parc-Ex youth – a burgeoning population of Italian and Eastern European immigrants who would beat the townies at hockey and football.
After the chain-link fence was first erected in 1960, it was met with lapsed waves of backlash from public employees, Parc-Extension residents, and civil dissidents alike. The enclosure was built by the Town of Mount Royal in response to a petition set forth by young post-war families who worried for their children’s safety in light of the 1950 widening of McEachran Avenue, now known as l’Acadie Boulevard. The Orwellian nature of the fence was unmistakable to those living beyond its limits in Parc-Extension, who questioned whether the fence was indeed a ‘security measure’ for children or a ‘preventative measure’ to safeguard the Town of Mont Royal from its neighbours.

The formation of the meshed enclosure coincided with the upsurge of Greek residents in Parc-Extension, who saw the fence as either a derogative attempt to keep them out, or as a compliment for being too “bad.” Within the first year, the City of Montreal sent a letter of request to the Town of Mount Royal, signed by City Clerk Gabriel Morin and addressed to TMR secretary-treasurer D.W. Lough, urging for the removal of the symbolic segregation under the pretense that, “the citizens of Montreal have been greatly offended by the unsightly fence.” Negotiations followed, yet the “apartheid fencing” continued to stand.

Eleven years later, protests ensued. Following a winter carnival in 1971, hundreds of students from Université de Montréal rushed the gates along l’Acadie Boulevard, throwing themselves at the chain links and uprooting two 40-foot sections before police interrupted the break-through. The incident coincided with the theft of a 70-year old, 1,800-pound piece of artillery from its pedestal on the corner of Maplewood and McCulloch, which was then transported to the Université de Montréal parking lot. Both incidents were overlooked as a series of student pranks, robbing the movement of its political agency. By the next day, the fence was standing once again, after a hasty repair job and disposal of abandoned pickets with the words “Nice Example of National Unity” scrawled across the surface.
The leitmotif of social polarization takes form consistently in urban fabrics across the globe, yet it is rare in Canada to find such a clear manifestation of segregation as l’Acadie fence. Over the first twenty years of the fence’s existence, there were numerous attacks on its exclusionary form, yet this history became stifled with time as populations shifted and ambivalence towards the enclosure took rise. The proliferation of low-income, multi-unit apartment buildings for immigrant families from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri-Lanka reinforced the segregated neighbourhoods, fortified by the clear divisions of urban planning, race, and the rising income gap across the busy thoroughfare. Since the City of Montreal’s jurisdiction fell short of the municipality’s boundaries, the argument became limited to written word and hushed quarrels. Eventually, the trials of the fence became a distant memory in the city’s archive – an afterthought that was no longer relevant to the mayors’ busied agendas. While the structure of the fence remained immutable, its significance had taken a turn.

It was not until recently that the dormant topic of l’Acadie fence opened its restful eye, with this year’s publication of Marcello Di Cintio’s travelogue, Walls: Travels Along the Barricades. Armed with the goal of understanding “what it meant to live a barricaded life,” Di Cintio began his journey across the concrete and barbed wire divisions of the world, taking him to the Moroccan Wall of Western Sahara, the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla in North Africa, the India-Bangladesh borderlands, the West Bank, the US-Mexico border, and finally to none other than “The Great Wall of Montreal.” A preview of his chapter on l’Acadie fence was published in Geist Magazine last year, and provoked numerous responses in the classic circulation of social media, from tweets addressing the mayor to forum discussions about the contemporary implications of the fence. With l’Acadie fence listed among the ranks of the West Bank, its fading memory became an ostensive and charged reality.

Parc-Extension à droite, Ville Mont-Royal à gauche. La clôture séparant deux réalités #polmtl pic.twitter.com/l7BEAToQYQ


— Pierre-Yves McSween (@PYMcsween) May 17, 2015

The significance of the fence as a sign of segregation becomes far more nuanced when considering the reactions it has stirred. More often than not, Di Cintio points out, Parc-Ex residents have consciously come to terms with the dilapidated structure. Though Parc-Extension ranks amongst one of the poorest and most densely populated communities in Canada, the streets exhibit a lively bricolage of West African grocery stores, Indian curry houses, and depanneurs that sell anything from Bollywood films to hologram cigarette cases of Labrador retrievers morphing into dolphins. Only on rare occasions would Parc-Ex residents feel the need to cross through the clanging gates to the mundanity of a fading middle-class suburb. Occasions like when children wanted to knock on the doors of their wealthier neighbours for Halloween. This struck a controversy during the late nineties when the Town of Mount Royal began to padlock the gates. This in theory deterred Parc-Ex kids by defining them as Halloween vandals, but in practice simply meant sidestepping the gates.

While it is tempting to develop a righteous critique of the fence, condemning its inherent power as responsible for the pathos of social subordination, this would only perpetuate the waves of recycled discourses that have brought us to where we are today. The problematics of this position is that it builds upon a rhetoric of victimhood, rather than recognizing the agency of those on either side of the line. By fixating on the binary social positions of the ‘injured’ Parc-Exers and the ‘injuring’ townies, as Wendy Brown would title them, the meanings of their actions would be codified against all possible indeterminacy, ambiguity, and struggle for resignification. In other words, this critique would limit their identities to what Nietzsche has named politics of ressentiment.

The anecdotes told by Parc Ex residents in response to Di Cintio’s article remind us of the endless series of interpretations that shape people on both sides of the line, from those who saw the fence as a representation of dreams and opportunities, to those who saw the need to keep the townies out. For now, the hedge’s veil of leaves has fallen to the ground, lifeless and barren of its colours, leaving the feeble relic exposed and rusted at its coils.

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